Final report for GNC24-392
Project Information
Agricultural systems in the US have long relied on flexible low-wage (usually undocumented) labor to meet needs at peak points during the season, with little consideration for the impacts of this low wage labor on essential farmworkers. To meet the challenge of decreasing worker availability, utilization of the H-2A temporary worker program has grown substantially in the US. As the US transitions from a largely undocumented but settled farm labor force to one which has legal work status but is temporary, it is important to study the wellbeing impacts of this shift on farmworkers, farmers, and the communities in which they settle. Accordingly, this project draws on 33 qualitative interviews gathered in three Ohioan communities differentiated by the degree to which they rely on H-2A or non-H-2A laborers. In doing so, it aims to inform efforts by rural communities to adapt to changing migration patterns.
This study asks: 1.) How is the wellbeing of farmworkers and farmers impacted by different labor recruitment pathways? 2.) How does wellbeing differ among communities depending on the mix of labor recruitment through H-2A or non-H-2A pathways? and 3.) How can communities and immigrant support organizations improve wellbeing in response? I find that H-2A employment is characterized by more tenuous relationships to the communities in which they settle compared to non-H-2A workers, though proactive community action may address challenges accompanying H-2A employment.
This project objectives were to:
- Better understand how shifting to labor recruitment through the H-2A program is impacting farmers, farmworkers, and the communities they live and work in.
- Identify interventions and best practices to assist communities and individuals as they adapt to the changing labor recruitment regime.
Research
This study used interviews with individual farmers, farmworkers, and community leaders to gather information about the ways the transition to the H-2A program has impacted workers, farmers and communities. A comparative case-study design was used in which 3 communities were identified because they had significant farmworker populations and were places where staff from the Immigrant Workers Project (IWP) had existing relationships with workers, farmers, and community organizations that could help initiate recruitment of informants. Norwalk and Willard were chosen to represent farming communities that had largely transitioned to the H-2A program, while Orrville served as a control because local farms had not yet shifted to recruiting H-2A workers to the same extent. Willard and Norwalk also presented contrasts in terms of the size of local business sectors and different community responses to the H-2A transition.
This study built on past rural sociological studies of community wellbeing to evaluate the impact of different labor recruitment patterns on individual and community wellbeing. I conducted 33 interviews with 36 individuals and used their responses to evaluate six dimensions of individual and community wellbeing – the built environment, services, economic wellbeing, political wellbeing, social wellbeing, and health and safety services. In total, I interviewed 19 community informants, three H-2A workers, eight non-H-2A workers, and six farmers. Due to a rapidly changing political and legal climate during the fieldwork period (November – April), recruitment of farmworkers (particularly H-2A workers) was difficult. Often, once workers were contacted, they would back out of the study or cancel considering their busy work schedule.
Using the wellbeing framework and interview data, the research team conducted qualitative data analysis using NVivo. Themes were identified from the framework and new themes were allowed to emerge from the data combining deductive and inductive approaches to build on existing work while adding new contributions. Themes and text were identified by the lead graduate student, Isaiah Franco, and reviewed throughout by the Principal Investigator, Douglas Jackson-Smith, with further review from a peer graduate student in Dr. Jackson-Smith’s lab.
I found that both H-2A and non-H-2A workers were satisfied with their compensation on the job, but that non-H-2A workers had a harder time getting ahead due to the cost of living in the United States, which were higher since they often lived with spouses and children. H-2A workers on the other hand tended to live alone while working in the US, and were better able to save money and send it back to family members in their sending country. Most H-2A workers I spoke to (and some who had shifted from H-2A status to permanent residency) had clear plans for what they would do after they leave H-2A employment, though 1 worker had been an H-2A employee in the U.S. nearly 30 years, but was already 59 and was not sure what options he had for retirement. In this way, most H-2A workers benefit from the high wages and lower cost of living while working in the US and maximized the value to their family back home in their sending countries but face insecurity year to year as they seek new contracts, particularly as they age.
The majority of the farmers I spoke to (and just over half of community informants) highlighted the importance of farmworkers to farm business success in their communities. In 2 cases, farmers experienced a decline in productivity following the initial shift to H-2A, but saw the initial decline rebound as they selected only the most skilled workers to return each year. Farmers also saw an increase in reliability, as H-2A workers hold few commitments outside of work. At the same time, farmers using H-2A were deeply concerned about the high cost of the mandatory Adverse Effect Wage Rate (AEWR), ($19.57/hour in Ohio, more than $1.40 higher than Michigan), which was increasing rapidly and outside of their control (U.S. DOL, 2024). In this context, farmers highlighted the difficulty of leaving the H-2A program once they started since their past labor recruitment social networks had dried up and local workers were unreliable, meaning the farmers were locked into the high labor cost.
Across all 3 study communities, most community members felt farmworkers contributed to local economic vitality regardless of visa status, but community members generally agreed that non-H-2A workers contributed more to the local economy because they were more likely to settle in the area for longer periods of time and invested more of their earnings in the local economy. An interesting difference emerged between H-2A workers in Norwalk and Willard. In Norwalk, H-2A workers housing was located downtown near a shopping center and all but one resident highlighted that the workers had contributed to an economic boom. In Willard on the other hand, only a third of respondents highlighted the impact of H-2A workers, likely due in part to the location of H-2A workers in housing just outside of city limits, diminishing the flexibility they had to go downtown to shop.
At the community level, I found that H-2A workers were less socially integrated (their level of incorporation into the community) than non-H-2A workers but that the location of their housing played an important role. H-2A workers who lived in the heart of downtown Norwalk were more able to participate in community life, with many community members highlighting their interaction with nearby stores and restaurants and an H-2A worker highlighting his relationship with a local gym for example. In Willard on the other hand, the distance of H-2A workers from the downtown area made social interactions less frequent.
In Orrville, where H-2A had not been adopted, farmworkers were often incorporated into the community through sports. While H-2A workers in Willard and Norwalk played with other H-2A farmworkers on farm, non-H-2A farmworkers in Orrville joined a soccer league which was attended by the whole community. This league became a place where Hispanic farmworkers interacted with the broader Hispanic and non-Hispanic community. Many community members reflected on the league, and one highlighted how it became a gathering place for not only Hispanic community members but the whole community. Here, a more family-oriented and settled farm workforce fostered greater connection with the outside community.
This study also considered social cohesion, or the relationships between community members. I found that Hispanic and non-Hispanic community members thought that the control farmers have over H-2A workers meant that the workers were more likely to behave well in their community, because their employment in the U.S. was conditional on annual renewals. The H-2A experience was contrasted with the past, when non-H-2A male farmworkers had been a source of bad behavior in transition communities. At the same time, the control farmers have over H-2A worker contracts means that bad actors can take advantage of workers in some cases which was highlighted by a community member who frequently interacted with H-2A workers in her community. Control, then, is a double-edged sword, assisting community members to feel safer, but with the risk that some employers may take advantage of the system.
Another influence on social cohesion in the study communities was the visibility of the H-2A workers. Tensions manifested at the arrival of workers in communities and as they spent time in them. At arrival, the construction of worker housing or welcoming celebrations dedicated to farmworkers were a source of tension. Over time, tensions tied to housing construction appeared to diminish in Norwalk, and their location meant workers could walk to purchase what they needed at any time. On the other hand, visibility in Willard, where H-2A workers had less mobility caused tensions as residents felt the workers overwhelmed the capacity of the local stores and purchased too much. This likely occurred since workers in Willard would receive one trip a week to purchase necessities, but the image of empty shelves after a visit by many workers left a bad taste in resident’s mouths.
Overall, H-2A may result in less social and economic interaction compared to non-H-2A workers, but H-2A workers may contribute to the local economy and weave into the social community fabric given the right conditions.
Educational & Outreach Activities
Participation Summary:
Webinars/Talks/Presentations
- The Ohio State University School of Environment and Natural Resources Seminar (March, 2025)
- Thesis Exit Seminar (July, 2025)
- Academic Conferences – Cambio De Colores (June, 2024) & (June, 2025); Rural Sociological Society (August, 2025)
- Guest Lecture – ENR 2400 Citizenship Across the Rural Urban Divide (July, 2025
- Presentation to the Wooster Advocacy Committee (August, 2025)
- Panel Speaker at The OSU Time for Change Week (April, 2025)
- The OSU School of Environment and Natural Resources Podcast – In Other Words (Recorded September, 2025)
I have presented the findings from this study to a variety of audiences. I shared preliminary research and findings in 2 consecutive years at the 2024 and 2025 Cambio de Colores Conference, a regional conference bringing together practitioners, agricultural professionals, and researchers hosted by the University of Missouri dedicated to exploring the impacts of migration into midwestern communities. I presented to a national academic audience at the 2025 Rural Sociological Society Meeting in 2025. In Ohio, I presented my findings through The Ohio State University School of Environment and Natural Resources, giving a 5 minute lightning talk at a well-attended seminar open to the public. I also shared findings at my Thesis presentation, which was attended virtually by the public in addition to key community partners from each study community. I also shared findings as a guest speaker in an undergraduate Ohio State class titled Citizenship Across the Rural-Urban Divide and presented as a panel speaker for the Ohio State University’s Time for Change Week. I also presented to the Wooster Advocacy Committee as a guest speaker, sharing findings with a group of engaged community members in a town close to one of my study communities. Finally, I recorded a podcast episode with The Ohio State School of Environment and Natural Resources detailing the research findings which will be shared in the first season of In Other Words, all episodes of which have been recorded and will be released by the university following editing.
Workshops/Field Days
I made presentations to community members in two of my study sites, 1 in Norwalk and 1 in Orrville. I partnered with local churches and community organizations to host data walks, where findings were reported to local community members. These presentations and the posters created for them were bilingual. Farmworkers, local leaders, and community members were present at each.
Education and outreach description
The findings from this research are publicly available through my published master’s thesis on Ohio Link. I have also written a shortened essay summarizing my findings for a more general audience has been accepted and will be published in NEXO, The Newsletter for the Julian Samora Research Institute, a research institute based out of Michigan State University focused on the Midwest. I am currently drafting 2 journal articles for submission to peer-reviewed academic journals.
Curricula, Fact Sheets, or Educational Materials
For the data walks, I prepared 5 posters which combined descriptive data gathered from the American Community Survey, The Census of Agriculture, H-2A disclosure data and Ohio School district data with quotes gathered from the qualitative interviews. These posters were bilingual and used as tools to talk with community residents and farmers through the research. I have also included a recording of my Thesis Exit Seminar where I presented research findings.
Project Outcomes
My project makes contributions to our understanding of how farm labor recruitment impacts social and economic sustainability in agriculture in several key ways. The focus on social and economic sustainability fills a gap in sustainability research that often focuses principally on environmental outcomes. This study situates farmers within the broader communities they live within, taking into account their individual experiences, while also recognizing that their employees’ lived experiences are a piece of the social sustainability puzzle. By also incorporating the communities these farmers live and work in, this project holistically evaluates the sustainability of farm operations and the individuals communities they impact.
This study highlights the tradeoffs of the apparent transition of many farmers to using the H-2A program and identifies possible solutions to the social and economic challenges that may come with adopting an H-2A workforce. At the same time, it highlights the benefits of the H-2A workforce compared to the past informal (non-H-2A) labor recruitment system. These findings may be helpful to farmers considering transitioning to an H-2A workforce, to policymakers at all levels wanting to maximize the benefits and minimize problems associated with the presence of H-2A workers in their communities, and to community members attempting to make sense of the changing context of farm labor in their communities.
In addition to building knowledge and extending past work on community wellbeing in the face of changing migration patterns tied to agriculture, this project also served as an opportunity to do direct education. Often, during interviews, I was able to provide more context on the H-2A program and the farm labor regime that preceded it, raising awareness for local decision makers and community members. When presenting findings, I was able to highlight that H-2A adoption is not only occurring in states which often receive attention like Florida and California, but also in small towns across the Midwest like those in Ohio. In this context, my findings influenced other researchers and agricultural professionals doing similar work.
Finally, by sharing results back to the communities where I did the research, I was able to ensure findings not only reached professionals, but also residents who learned about the H-2A program and what it meant for their communities. At one of the data walks I hosted, I also partnered with another local organization that did direct service with community members, meaning that an educational research presentation was also an opportunity for community members to take to time to receive services they needed.
Overall, this project illuminated the changes which occur in for individuals and communities with the adoption of the H-2A program and may serve as a reference for future adopting communities, especially as the H-2A program continues to grow.
This research was deeply rewarding and interesting. The H-2A transition is full of interesting trade-offs which impact farmers, workers, and community life in small towns. As a researcher, I learned the importance of being present in a community and forming strong relationships. It was only through earning the trust of community members that I gained access to the key informants, farmworkers, and farmers that made this research possible. While operating on a short 1 year timeline, preparation work meeting individuals before the grant period paid off while I was conducting the grant research.
I learned that farmworkers in the H-2A program benefit from the substantial earnings they gain, their legal status and enjoy their work often, but are challenged by their lack of job security and planning capacity to plan for a life post-H-2A. On the other hand, non-H-2A workers were able to form deeper relationships in their communities, integrating more into the local population, but were more financially stressed and at times concerned about the security of their work status.
Farmers found the H-2A program beneficial, but were stressed by its requirements and expense, though they did not see a path to leaving it. They also valued their workers and viewed them as crucial to their continued success.
Communities reacted differently to H-2A and non-H-2A workers, but when H-2A workers were able to live in communities rather than outside of them they were more able to contribute and integrate into economic and social life. On the other hand, non-H-2A workers were more able to become members of the community through their family ties and time spent in the community.
Overall, this research indicates the potential for supporting H-2A workers through accessing existing resources that serve migrant farmworkers while they are in the United States and also working with them to plan strategies for how they will transition out of the H-2A program. It also highlights that H-2A workers and communities may do better if workers are able to independently leave employer provided camps and access shopping at their own discretion as in Norwalk. For farmers, thinking through the cost of labor is important as the AEWR is a heavy stressor. It may be valuable then to consider compromises which offer H-2A workers more long term security, but also offer farmers relief from quickly increasing AEWRs.
Future work should consider the complex ways that use of the H-2A program is impacting farmworkers, farmers, and communities across other midwestern states. Gathering data on H-2A workers is difficult since they are not included in the National Agricultural Workers Survey, but larger scale quantitative analysis that focuses on the H-2A program in the Midwest would be a good next step to investigate whether the findings in this community case study are replicable at a larger scale.
Any future studies should also consider the ways other temporary labor visas impact social sustainability outcomes. One examples is the TN Visa which allows bachelor degree holding Mexican nationals to work in the United States for up to three years and is increasingly used on pork and dairy operations.